Ronald Brownstein.
"We have had this partisan sorting along the lines of race happening for a really long time ... but what's happening today is kind of unprecedented," says Ashley Jardina, a political scientist at Duke University and author of the 2019 book "White Identity Politics." That pattern will persist in the decades ahead as Whites fall below a majority of the population. Those different communities of color did not always express such common interests.In polling during the 1990s and the early years of this century, significant numbers of But many observers believe these groups are allying more closely in part because of a sense of shared threat from Trump, who has rolled back civil rights enforcement Polls this spring have consistently found that support for the protests and discontent over police behavior are greatest among young adults.
But it’s also because college-educated and secular white Americans, who tend to hold more inclusive views on racial issues than non-college-educated and Christian white Americans, are also a bigger portion of the white population. Analysis by Ronald Brownstein, CNN. These common views among conservatives aren't just rhetorical or political arguments; they have also shaped the Trump administration's response to civil rights enforcement. Ronald Brownstein, The Atlantic July 31, 2020 (Lola Gomez/Austin American-Statesman via AP) The 2020 election undoubtedly offers Democrats their best chance yet … In 2020, according to calculations by demographer Bill Frey, those two generations of Americans born after 1981 will compose roughly as large a share of eligible voters as the baby boomers and older generations born in 1964 or earlier, just under two-fifths in each case. In each instance, rural voters took much more conservative positions.Matt McDermott, a Democratic pollster, said such results capture the paradox in Trump's calls for law and order: His words and actions have been so confrontational that they are "leading people to conclude the Republican President is increasing the threat of violence to themselves and their community."
He is betting the Republican future on resurrecting a past that is dissolving before his eyes.We want to hear what you think about this article. The partisan numbers on these individual questions vary somewhat, but Pew and other studies have found the general movement in this decade toward greater concern about racial inequities among whites has been driven almost entirely by Democrats, with very little change among Republicans. In both Conservative voices have been quick to reject the idea that Floyd's death highlights systematic bias in the nation broadly or even in policing. "Young people have provided the critical mass for this spring's protest movements: The Kaiser poll found that those aged 18-29 made up a majority of the adults participating, more than double their share of the population.
But whites also displayed substantial movement on these questions.
The Hyper-Polarization of America. In each instance, rural voters took much more conservative positions.Matt McDermott, a Democratic pollster, said such results capture the paradox in Trump's calls for law and order: His words and actions have been so confrontational that they are "leading people to conclude the Republican President is increasing the threat of violence to themselves and their community." While Trump has directed the Justice Department and FBI to investigate Floyd's death, it has That contrast reflects the underlying belief among Trump and many Republicans that "the issue isn't policing; the issue is 'bad apples,'" says Ed Chung, a former prosecutor in the Justice Department's civil rights division who is now vice president for criminal justice reform at the liberal Center for American Progress. All Rights Reserved. In 1979, he graduated with a B.A. The result of these divergent trends is, as on so many other issues, a widening of what I call the trench between the blue and red coalitions.